This video explores two main themes: traditional social organization and social problems caused by privatisation policies. Tsevei, born in 1950, was the head of Tost village in Khar Us from 1984 to 2004. He played a direct role in pastureland allocations following the enforcement of privatisation policies across the region. Tsevei completed his primary and secondary education in Hobogsair before the Cultural Revolution. He returned to Tost village because his two younger brothers struggled to survive after their parents were taken away by the Red Guards. In Ereen Khabirga, also known as Khar Us, there are seven banners, four of which belong to Wang, and the remainder to Beis Noyan. Each banner has its own Oboo ritual sites. Although these sites were destroyed during the communal period, they have been revitalized since the 1980s. Tsevei was responsible for one Oboo worship site from 2003 until its termination amid new Chinese political strengthening in 2018. The privatisation policy commenced in the Salhitu pasture in 1984. That year, pasturelands were initially allocated to 54 herding households, and farmland was provided to those settled in lower-altitude regions. All communal equipment, including ploughs, carriages, and animals such as steers, was distributed among private households. In the initial redistribution, only twelve households received pasturelands with a green-covered certificate, while others were allocated agricultural lands. Regarding livestock allocation, specifically sheep, there were not enough animals when we allocated 25 heads per household. Pasturelands were distributed with a standard size of 2000-5000 mu in the deep mountains. Several years later, considering newly married households, other pasturelands were issued with a red colour certificate book. However, some leaders also privately issued pasturelands to their relatives during the early stages of privatisation, which has now become a major source of heated debates. Adding to this conflict, the Salhit government was unclear about the size of the pastureland and randomly issued certificates, which has been the biggest argument among herders regarding government pastureland subsidies.