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Item Open Access A neo-Schumpeterian study of the developmental techno-politics of post-socialist Bulgaria and KazakhstanSchivatcheva, RadostinaThe thesis investigates the policy articulation of transformative development pathways from low value-added or resource-dependent economies to ones which are high value-added, knowledge-intensive, and catalysed by innovation in response to global techno-economic trends. Recognising the seminal role of policy discourse in shaping national development priorities and innovation policy spaces, the study theorises and empirically explores the utility of a two novel interrelated concepts: "innovation narrative articulation" and "multi-level policy space constitution," as part of an integrated analytical framework. The research also offers valuable theoretical, analytical and empirical insights into development studies, critical innovation studies, historical institutionalism and studies of Socio-Technical Transitions (STT) particularly regarding techno-politics in the context of economic catching up. Methodologically, the scholarly inquiry develops a novel, boundary-spanning, multi-dimensional framework for policy assessment in order to provide a comprehensive and systematic inquiry of the dynamic constitution of Science, Technology, and Innovation Policies (STIP). This framework incorporates insights from neo-Schumpeterian scholarship about National Innovation Systems (NIS), development studies, Science and Technology Studies (STS) and the Political Economy of Research and Innovation (PERI). The utility of this analytical approach is demonstrated through its application to cross-country and longitudinal assessments of national policy discourses. The research inquiry is operationalised through a novel empirical comparative case study of the policy space of Bulgaria and Kazakhstan, two post-socialist states pursuing foreign-led (by the European Union (EU)) and domestic-led modernization pathways, respectively. A process-tracing analysis examines the chronological unfolding of governmental techno-political discourses from 2003 to 2022, complemented by an analysis of NIS stakeholder discourses. The analysis presents a nuanced, multi-level longitudinal insights of policy spaces in the context of national innovation systems. The research highlights commonalities and differences in the two countries' innovation policy articulations. Both states’ narratives espouse technology-led catching up. Moreover, policy guidance, which explicitly recognises the systemic nature of innovation in a holistic manner is notably absent in both Bulgaria and Kazakhstan. The science and innovation dimension of both states' policy space is fragmented and incomplete. Bulgaria's STIP has become Europeanized and premised upon pan-European policy missions, yet challenges persist in adapting and implementing European policies within a national context. Kazakhstan has favoured a more gradualist and pragmatic approach recognizing a need for industrial-innovative development and economic diversification. Technocratic elites have championed narratives of leapfrogging and techno-fixes, often marginalizing socio-technical and political dimensions. The analysis reveals a dissonance between top-down techno-economic discourses and bottom-up stakeholder perspectives emphasizing the role of science-led, sustainable NIS. The thesis advocates for inclusive policies that conceptualize innovation as a pluralistic, political phenomenon, transcending narrow techno-centric and techno-economic perspectives. Given the historical legacies and unique contemporary challenges faced by post-socialist economies like Bulgaria and Kazakhstan, there is a need for adaptable multi-level policy frameworks, capable of supporting national catching up and sustainable development efforts. The study underscores the importance of developing endogenous innovation capacity - the ability of a country to cultivate its own innovation ecosystem, capabilities and context-specific solutions, rather than solely relying on external models or technology transfer.Item Open Access Interpreting Belt and Road Initiative Dynamics in China and KazakhstanJi, YingfengChina’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a Eurasian integration project, has garnered significant international attention and sparked extensive academic and political discourse since its formulation. The most wide-spread interpretations of the initiative interpret it as China’s grand strategy to achieve its geopolitical and geo-economic ambitions, suggesting that China utilises economic leverage to establish indebtedness and exert influence over countries. Meanwhile, Chinese authorities and some analysts describe the initiative to be benevolent and beneficial for the development of countries and global governance. This research aims to address the accuracy of the divergent views surrounding BRI by conducting a thorough and comprehensive examination. To do so, it examines how the BRI as a policy paradigm was launched in China, how it came to become a foreign policy framework, and most importantly how it evolved over time domestically and externally. Kazakhstan serves as a case study as it was chosen as the country to launch the initiative. Additionally, it is in the immediate neighbourhood of China with ample natural resources and has relevance for the rest of Central Asia and more broadly speaking for Eurasia. This research focuses on the internal political dynamics and implementation practices of the BRI in China and Kazakhstan that fills in details for understanding the BRI. Specifically, the BRI was presented as a policy framework following the intentional design of the tradition and routine of policymaking in China. This initial framework was expanded by a series of documents issued by different agencies and subnational governments. These were further produced via administrative instructions and compulsory requirements for corresponding reports, holding training sessions for subnational actors, along with campaign style practices which were used to call for local compliance. Meanwhile the local governments of China possessed considerable leeway to influence the drafting of the BRI guidelines and report subsequent BRI projects to Chinese central government. The bureaucratic arrangements and Chinese official discourses indicate a higher position of economic motivations rather than politics and security interests in China’s original design of the BRI. Overtime, the initiative also adjusted itself in response to ground-level critiques while also promoting instruments for cooperation that proved feasible in practice. This research has shown that Kazakhstan’s agency in the way that the BRI projects were introduced, launched and undertaken is significant and in line with its own priorities. The evidence from Kazakhstan, one of the earliest countries that was categorised as a participant country, indicates that it was able to align its national interests with China under the framework of the BRI. The joint projects developed between the two countries were either explicitly listed in Kazakhstan’s state programmes or located in its priority development sectors. The 19 cases of BRI projects chosen in Kazakhstan also showcase multiple partners and stakeholders as is prioritised by Kazakhstan’s multi vector foreign policy. In addition, the bilateral industrial investment cooperation mechanism started between the government of China and Kazakhstan fed into legislation and policy campaigns in China and influenced China’s broader cooperation with other BRI countries. Lastly, these projects also show that there are mixed impacts on Kazakhstan’s industrial upgrade and environmental development, as well as on the expansion of Chinese enterprises and products overseas. The complexities of the planning and implementation process of the initiative in China and the role of participant countries in shaping the initiative’s content have often been both overlooked and subsumed in favour of 3 4 popular tropes. Accordingly, this research has unpacked materials and process of the designing and planning process in China and included an analysis of indigenous voices from the participant countries to bring out a more robust and nuanced comprehension of the BRI itself and China’s increasingly proactive international engagements. In conclusion, this research shows that the nature of the BRI is flexible and adaptable in line with other policy frameworks in China. The BRI is a polycentric process that allows selective implementation and interpretation by domestic actors and participant countries.Item Open Access Rivers of Resistance: Aid, Activism and Energy in Cambodia and MyanmarBarter, Dustin; Barter, Dustin [0000-0001-5098-4691]On 2 March 1962, tanks and troops rolled out into the streets of Myanmar’s then capital, Yangon, as the military launched a coup that marked the beginning of Myanmar’s decades-long international isolation. In not dissimilar fashion, the Khmer Rouge marched into Cambodia’s capital, Phnom Penh, on 17 April 1975, overthrowing the fledgling Lon Nol government. Rather than stabilise the country, however, it would mark the beginning of a genocide that killed up to two million people and plunged Cambodia into its own form of international isolation. Not until the 1992 arrival of United Nations peacekeepers in Cambodia and Cyclone Nargis devastated Myanmar in 2008, would both countries emerge from their respective isolation. The ensuing influxes of international aid focused extensively on supporting civil society actors, to advance democracy, human rights, and socioeconomic development. As of late 2023, long-term Prime Minister Hun Sen has eviscerated civil society resistance in Cambodia and transferred power to his son, Hun Manet. Similar efforts to cling to power by Myanmar’s military were met with revolution. For both countries, natural resource governance has been a central factor in shaping the contours of contestation. Through a conceptual framing of isolation and post-isolation, the thesis delivers a historically embedded examination of the relationship between international aid, civil society actors, the state and capital, in Cambodia and Myanmar. Specifically, what are the historical, political and aid dynamics which shape the development of civil society and how have these dynamics influenced civil society actors in post-isolation Cambodia and Myanmar? The analysis utilises an interdisciplinary lens, grounded in Gramscian and political ecology thought, as it connects contemporary events with historical and structural factors. In doing so, the thesis contributes to debates about aid politics, subaltern resistance, and development. Whereas aid has attracted extensive critique for its depoliticising impacts, a more nuanced analysis is constructed that elucidates the agency of and constraints on civil society actors. Central to the thesis is contestation over natural resource governance, which galvanised opposition to the state’s rapacious development agenda in both countries. This is illuminated through case studies examining opposition to dams and the contestation of hydropower hegemony, an analytical framing where dams are a microcosm for understanding competing visions for development in both countries. Through two main case studies in each country and 113 interviews and group discussions, the PhD explains how and why emancipatory movements emerged and took certain trajectories. The methodology also deploys the “extended case method,” particularly ethnographic embeddedness and critical reflexivity. For Cambodia, historical and political factors, alongside the distortions of international aid, delayed the emergence of such movements, but over time they increasingly opposed the state’s accumulation by dispossession. This is elucidated through a focus on the Lower Sesan Two and Areng Valley anti-dam movements. However, as the counter-movement intensified, so too did Hun Sen’s response, highlighting civil society fragility and the regime’s resilience, as Cambodia once again intensified authoritarian rule in 2017. In contrast, decades of isolation incubated civil society networks across Myanmar that contributed to both its comparatively forthcoming dynamism and ongoing resilience; the influx of international aid was also distortionary, but its influence was mediated by assertive civil society actors. This is evident in modalities of contestation, such as declarations of Indigenous self-determination and territorial sovereignty against the encroaching and violent military state, and further epitomised by the ongoing revolution, despite, not because of international aid. Analysis of the Myitsone and Salween Peace Park campaigns, amidst Myanmar’s broader post-isolation transition, reveal these dynamics, where resistance did not just oppose the state, but also reimagined governance and development. The thesis concludes that international aid distorted rather than depoliticised civil society actors, where historical and political influences were significantly more consequential. In Cambodia, the Khmer Rouge’s social dislocation and the aid influx delayed the emergence of what the thesis calls “confrontationist” civil society actors, while the state sought to channel dissent through NGOs. As the confrontationists expanded, China played a critical role in enabling and now sustaining Hun Sen’s authoritarian pivot. Myanmar offers a salient juxtaposition, where the thesis contends that international aid and China were far less consequential than in Cambodia; civil society actors’ revolutionary commitment is instead grounded in decades of opposition to junta rule. As these actors continue the revolution amidst egregious military violence, international aid institutions search for relevance.Item Embargo What Factors Determine Chinese Companies’ Internationalization? A Case Study of Telecommunications IndustryXiao, Chunwen; Xiao, Chelsea Chunwen [0000-0001-9955-2494]This thesis offers a comprehensive exploration of telecom company internationalization, examining both industry-wide trends and specific firm-level cases. It delves into the historical evolution of the global telecom industry and conducts comparative case studies involving Western and Chinese telecom firms. The research unveils that internationalization behaviors in the telecom sector are influenced not only by internal factors like technological and managerial competencies but also by external factors often overlooked in existing theories, including international politics and global technical standard regulations. To bridge this gap, the thesis introduces a new analytical model, the 'Technological-Political Cycle Framework,' which integrates technology, government policies, and economic considerations to provide insights into international business strategies within the telecommunications industry. This model underscores how international politics can emerge as a pivotal determinant of business internationalization, particularly in a rapidly evolving tech industry where global market power dynamics carry significant economic and security implications for nations. In consideration of these multifaceted dynamics, the thesis also investigates strategies for Chinese telecom companies in their internationalization efforts, taking into careful account the contemporary international political landscape vis-à-vis China.Item Open Access Resistance to state-driven land expropriation in northern Uganda: Counter-hegemonic imagination and the reconstruction of identity, authority, territory, and propertyLaing, TessaThis dissertation explores peasant political action in response to state-driven land expropriation in the Acholi-Madi border region of northern Uganda. Based on a two-year period of archival inquiry, interviews, activist research and participant observation, the dissertation examines the case of Apaa, where a large-scale struggle entangles peasant resistance to state enclosure of land for conservation, territorial disputes between local governments, and ethnic-based conflict over land access. The issues I explore intersect discussions on peasant resistance and African land regimes–institutional arrangements linking forms of public authority, identity, administrative territory, and property. As war in northern Uganda began to subside in 2006, a surge of large-scale land struggles ensued. Two opposing narratives emerged around these conflicts: that they constitute peasant uprisings to defend ancestral land against state and commercial interests or that they reflect political manoeuvres inciting ethnic claims to vacant land. Such views either reify ethnic belonging to land or cast it as a product of elite manipulation; both foreclose analysis of how peasants navigate inherited discourses and forms linking identity, territory, and authority. The dissertation argues that to understand the dynamics that enable resistance to forms of dispossession, peasant action must be viewed in light of the contested history of land regimes. My research in Apaa reveals that in contexts of institutional pluralism, peasants may mobilise a range of possible identities, authorities, spatial logics, and forms of property to contest state expropriation, all of which involve trade-offs. Adopting a Gramsci-inspired lens, I argue that when peasants mirror the ‘hegemonic’ ethno-territorial logics and patterns of accumulation advanced by ruling classes, they gain powerful tools for political mobilisation, but perpetuate conflict and erode the solidarity necessary for effective organising. By developing ‘counter-hegemonic’ forms of identity, authority, and property, peasant organisers can more effectively disrupt state enclosure of land. Although such processes remain unstable and incomplete, peasant organisers in Apaa have reinterpreted the past to reimagine new forms of belonging and land tenure, enabling them to defy state evictions and expand territorial control. This dissertation contributes historically grounded, ethnographic evidence to emerging research melding critical approaches to resistance with the study of land regimes. It suggests that successful resistance to state enclosure of land is enabled by collective action that addresses internal inequalities within peasant communities and transcends social divisions and ethno-territorial logics exploited by ruling elites.Item Embargo Ilimi Haské: Learning in an Unequal WorldHima, HalimatouThe thesis analyses the intersections between inequalities, learning outcomes, and aspirations and further investigates why and how some students, particularly girls, succeed in furthering their schooling while others do not. The study focuses on Niger Republic which has some of the lowest rates of educational attainment and which also presents a unique case for analysis of within-country inequality. Despite the expansion of access to education, including in rural areas, learning outcomes remain extremely low, particularly in low-income countries. This thesis also engages with how the systemic failure to provide quality education informs the social discourse and the continued engagement with formal education. This study draws on an extensive multi-year fieldwork conducted in the regions of Niamey and Maradi including in rural areas. It adopts a mixed methods approach, using quantitative and qualitative instruments – interviews, surveys and cognitive skills tests conducted in thirty-one (31) primary schools and four (4) secondary schools, archival research, focus group discussions, and observations. The cognitive skills tests assessed learning and competency in mathematics, reading, reading comprehension, and writing. A total of 1,909 students in the sixth grade participated in the primary school surveys and tests. In secondary schools, an extensive nine-part survey on aspirations, values, and educational experiences was conducted with 395 students in the tenth grade. A series of 113 interviews were conducted with key stakeholders including policymakers, traditional authorities, parents, teachers, and the students themselves: a study focusing on education in a postcolonial African context fundamentally engages with structures of power and privilege and, therefore, requires an understanding of the historical, cultural, and socio-political conditions within which the research is situated. The thesis comprises eight chapters. The first contribution of this study is the reframing of the discourse on how the interactions between various educational spaces (Afro-Islamic, traditional, and formal) transformed and continue to shape the educational landscape including the social demand for education. Building on existing frameworks, this study proposes a multipronged nexus approach that incorporates the interconnectedness of the crises in education and how they intersect to reinforce existing vulnerabilities and create new forms of inequities. The second contribution is to suggest a methodological framework for studies in postcolonial contexts, building on a mixed methods approach, that uses an integrated approach for the process of data collection. The third major contribution is the empirical analysis of learning outcomes through multiple lenses. Using mathematics score as a proxy for learning outcomes, the study investigates what factors drive variations in learning outcomes and further brings a nuanced analysis to how variables such as socioeconomic status, gender, and the language of instruction affect educational outcomes and aspirations in postcolonial contexts that strive to provide education to ethnically, culturally, and linguistically diverse populations. In addition to the empirical analyses, the study makes a contribution in assessing the relationship between non-cognitive skills, educational outcomes, and aspirations whereby social institutions become an important factor of consideration in understanding and responding to the triple crisis of education (learning, retention, and completion). By adopting the multipronged approach to the inquiry, this study furthers the analysis of how inequalities in access to quality education translate into systemic inequities in learning but also how pre-existing conditions and characteristics systematically chart educational trajectories. The study makes a contribution in understanding the emergence of outliers who disrupt trajectories and prevailing trends in ways that provide possibilities and pathways for policies resting on the opportunities or incremental advantages that render change possible. The conclusion underscores the need to place aspirations and values as central in the deconstruction and construction of an education system that liberates, empowers, and facilitates the quest for learning for all.Item Open Access Economic development and industrial policy in the age of digitalisation: global mapping and the case of BrazilLabrunie, MateusIn recent years, a wave of technological innovations with potentially disruptive effects across industries has been emerging. Known by many names, such as “advanced manufacturing”, “Industry 4.0”, “Fourth Industrial Revolution”, or “digital transformation”, this trend groups different technology clusters such as the Industrial Internet of Things (IIoT), Artificial Intelligence, and Data Analytics, 3D printing, and Advanced Robotics. In this dissertation, they are referred to as Advanced Digital Production Technologies (ADPTs). Due to their increasing prominence among industrialists, policymakers, and academics around the world, a question emerges as to whether ADPTs could open pathways for economic development in developing countries. This dissertation seeks to address this issue, and answer the following research question: Are ADPTs an opportunity for economic development in developing countries, and, if so, what should these countries do to seize it? The general research path taken to answer this question involved a theoretical and conceptual review of the topic, a “global mapping” of countries’ engagement with ADPTs, and a deep dive into the case of Brazil. The “global mapping” was carried out through a historical review and an analysis combining international trade data and the findings of previous works using patent data. The investigation of Brazil analysed the country’s ADPT policy system and the engagement of the country’s Machinery and Equipment industry with these technologies. This led to the writing of six chapters. The overall conclusion of the dissertation is that ADPTs do not offer as many opportunities for developing countries as it is often claimed. Leapfrogging opportunities exist but depend on how developed the ICT and industrial machinery industries are in each country, and on what type of engagement the country has with these technologies. Seizing these opportunities also requires implementing appropriate industrial policies that help overcome the many obstacles to using, producing, and developing ADPTs, as well as an enabling macroeconomic environment. Brazil is identified as a country that is well-positioned to take advantage of these technologies but that so far has had insufficient policies to do so.Item Controlled Access Institutional Dynamics of State-Minority Relations in Slovakia and AzerbaijanCsabay, Jakub; Csabay, Jakub [0000-0001-8504-6881]The research aims to introduce an institutional analysis approach to understanding of state-minority relations, and more specifically to explore how the newly independent states in the broader post-Soviet and post-socialist space developed their institutional frameworks for national minorities. For this purpose, it draws empirically from two case studies – Slovakia and Azerbaijan as examples of states which followed similar historical and institutional trajectories, and yet subsequently took very different state-building path in their post-socialist developments. Roma and Lezgin as significant minority communities living in the peripheries of these states are the empirical focus of this research endeavour. The study introduces an overarching definition of an institutional framework, consisting of policy and legal basis, institutional structures, organisations and networks, and institutional mechanisms to allow for a mapping of evolution and change in institutional frameworks of state-minority relations for the two case studies of Azerbaijan from the 1920s and Slovakia from 1960s. The study draws from archival research, interviews, and document analysis. It develops and employs an analytical framework drawing from Skocpol’s consideration of structural factors and Ostrom’s multi-level institutional analysis to understand the processes of radical and incremental institutional change, which show practically opposite trends in the two case studies. While Slovakia radically redefined and diversified its institutional framework for national minorities, and Roma in particular, at different institutional levels, Azerbaijan did not experience an effective institutional change at the formal level, with informal institutions playing a more formative role. Overall, the study endeavours to offer a more dynamic institutional approach to minority studies, which are currently dominated by the more static regime- and rights-based approaches, and thus contribute with a prospectively useful framework for understanding the developments of state-minority relations in the broader post-Soviet space and beyond.Item Open Access Africa’s National Development Banks: Lessons from Côte d’Ivoire and RwandaQuist, Georges-AurelienThis thesis looks at the relationship between National Development Banks (NDBs), governments, financial market participants, and non-financial firms in Africa. Despite rapidly increasing financial inclusion since the 2000s, Africa is the continent where enterprises struggle the most to access credit, particularly long-term loans, which NDBs specialise in offering. Though NDBs have featured prominently in academic and policy debates over the past decade, their function and impact in Africa are insufficiently investigated. This research project addresses this gap in the literature by comparing the experiences of Côte d’Ivoire and Rwanda’s NDBs to draw lessons on development banking in developing countries, the political economy of finance and development, and, most broadly, how the interactions between the financial sector, the state, and enterprises affect economic development. The central argument of the thesis is that the standard practice by mainstream economists of attributing the lacklustre performance of African NDBs to political corruption is highly deficient. Besides government officials, foreign players such as bilateral and multilateral institutions also influence the ability and the willingness of NDBs to accomplish their mission. The thesis finds that NDBs in Côte d’Ivoire and Rwanda have an outsized role in promoting the industrialization of their respective economies compared to privately owned banks. However, structural factors and external pressures make it challenging for these NDBs to reach their full potential. In Côte d’Ivoire, for example, the International Monetary Fund’s policies encouraged Côte d’Ivoire’s main NDB to shift its focus from enterprise financing to consumer loans. In Rwanda, the struggles of the country’s only NDB stem more from the difficulty to mobilise funds due to foreign exchange risk than from the bank’s governance, management, and operations. Both case studies also highlight the limitations of modern central banking for developing countries trying to support local entrepreneurship, since the prevailing tendency of these banks to prioritise price stability over credit creation is shown to hinder NDBs.Item Open Access A Humanist Perspective on Economic Policy: Ecuador's Economic Reforms and Industrial Policy, 2007-2017Estevez, LauraThis dissertation assesses Ecuador's economic policies during the Correa administration (2007 - 2017) from the perspective of human development. It aims to accomplish two objectives —one conceptual and one empirical. At the conceptual level, it brings together two intellectual traditions that are often seen as antagonistic: on the one hand, classical development theory with its focus on structural transformation as the central concern of development and, on the other hand, the humanist development tradition, which asserts the centrality of human wellbeing as the ultimate objective of policy interventions. Combining the normative gaze of the human development approach with classical development theory's insights about the centrality of industrial policy as tool for achieving sustained per capita growth, I build a framework for evaluating economic policies in general, and Ecuador's economic policies in particular, in terms of their direct and indirect contributions to human wellbeing. At the empirical level (Part II), I apply the framework developed in Part I to analyze Ecuador's economic policies during the Correa administration. Though my analysis identifies manifold successes and failures, it concludes that —with some notable exceptions— the administration's economic policies were largely conducive to enhancing economic and human development. Moreover, many of the policies that most effectively contributed to the expansion of human development —particularly public investment, macroeconomic and regulatory policies— were those that most markedly broke with the policy regime of Ecuador's Washington Consensus period (1982-2006). However, in the realm of industrial policy, the government notably fell short of the speed, scale and precision required to achieve a significant change in its commodity-dependent pattern of productive specialization. This prevented the country from achieving a level of diversification that could have provided a buffer against the boom and bust cycles of commodities markets and stimulated long-term development of higher-value added productive capabilities. As a result, when the price of oil suddenly fell, the government was unable to sustain the public investments that enabled its upward development trajectory. Thus, the ineffectiveness of the Correa administration's industrial policy truncated a successful process of expansion of human development that could have become sustainable had the imaginations of policy makers been able to escape the ideational constraints of orthodox economic prescriptions and standard human development discourse, which either directly undermine or neglect industrial policy. Ecuador's experience highlights the risks of seeing development policy as little more than a collection of measures for 'getting along with a little assistance' and underscores the need for developing countries to take more proactive structural measures to achieve sustained improvements in economic and human development.Item Open Access Girl Incorporated. Corporate Empowerment Programmes for Women Workers: What Drives them and Who Benefits?Hengeveld, MariaThe past two decades have seen a surge in partnerships between multinational corporations and women’s rights organizations professing to empower women and girls in the Global South. This trend – dubbed ‘Transnational Business Feminism’ (TBF) by feminist political economist Adrienne Roberts (2012) – has generated a lively debate amongst feminist social scientists around the ideological characteristics, limitations, benefits and effects of these alliances, and the extent to which they signal the ‘co-optation’ of certain feminist strands. This dissertation identifies and addresses three gaps in the TBF literature, namely: the perspectives of influential feminist groups participating in TBF projects; the effects of these initiatives on their beneficiaries in the Global South; and the rise of supply chain focused TBF projects targeting women workers. A contribution to this debate, this dissertation examines the logics, functions, and effects of worker-focused TBF projects from the perspectives of those who design these projects in the Global North, and explores the effects of such projects on two groups of women workers in the Global South. What lies behind the rise in supply-chain focused TBF partnerships? How do feminist professionals who design and promote these projects make sense of the impact, limits, and ideological implications of their work? How might the experiences of some small groups of beneficiaries illuminate the broader politics of TBF? These are the main questions animating this dissertation. A qualitative case study methodology is used to answer these questions. The selected case studies are the New York based United Nations agency UN Women, the International Center for Research on Women (ICRW) in Washington DC, and the partnerships of these organizations with fashion corporation The Gap (Gap) and the household goods company Unilever. Data has been gathered through: in-person and online interviews with feminist professionals in the United States, India, and the United Kingdom; group interviews with Gap workers in India, and phone interviews with former Unilever tea workers in Kenya. Additional interviews were held with feminist professionals at CARE International, Women Deliver, Business for Social Responsibility (BSR) and the UN Global Compact. Textual data has been obtained through the websites, social media pages, promotional literature, and annual reports of the organizations under study, Freedom of Information requests at the European Commission and court records capturing workers testimonies. I have gathered additional data by attending multiple TBF-related webinars and conferences.Item Restricted Living in Parallel Worlds: Understanding Patani Malayness and Ethnonationalism Among Youth in Thailand’s Deep SouthSiriwat, Pakkamol[Restricted]Item Indefinitely restricted Item Open Access Essays on the Political Economy of Democratization and Democratic BackslidingVan Noort, SamThis four-paper dissertation addresses three fundamental questions in the political economy of democracy. First, does economic development cause democratization? Second, to what extent are citizens willing to defend democracy after it has been established, but is then threatened from within by an anti-democratic state executive? Third, what influence has the recent episode of democratic backsliding within the United States had on America’s soft power abroad? In the first paper, I provide a new theory of the relationship between economic development and democracy. I argue that a large share of employment in manufacturing (i.e., industrialization) makes mass mobilization both more likely to occur and more costly to suppress. This increases the power of the masses vis-à-vis autocratic elites, making democracy more likely. Using novel manufacturing employment data for 145 countries over 170 years (1845–2015), I find that industrialization is strongly correlated with democracy, even after accounting for country and time fixed effects, time trends, theoretically grounded controls, and other economic determinants of democracy (e.g., income and inequality). Unlike with other economic determinants, the effect occurs on both democratic transitions and consolidations, and is equally large after 1945. Importantly, the data suggests that many potential outliers (e.g., China, the USSR, and Latin America during import substitution industrialization) have in fact never reached the level of industrialization that existed in the West, South Korea, and Taiwan before democratization. In the second paper, I exploit a unique quasi-experiment in 19th- and early 20th-century Norway to test whether the correlation between manufacturing employment and democracy is causal. Using novel roll-call data from the Norwegian national parliament, I study whether MPs that represented more rapidly industrializing districts were more likely to vote for suffrage extensions over the 1891 to 1906 period. For causal identification, I exploit the fact that Norwegian districts with a greater geographical potential for hydropower generation were significantly more likely to industrialize after the nationwide introduction of hydroelectricity in 1892. In line with the first paper, I find that industrialization tended to induce democratization in Norway. In the third paper, I turn to the contemporary period and study whether politicians who clearly violate democratic norms lose significant public support, or whether voters tend to form little constraint on democratic backsliding. To examine this fundamental question, I study a novel natural experiment created by the fact that Donald Trump’s incitement of the January 6 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol unexpectedly occurred while Gallup was conducting a nationally representative public opinion survey using random digit dialing. Comparing party identification among respondents who happened to be interviewed just before, and just after, January 6, 2021, suggests that the Republican Party retained 78% of its pre-insurrection support base during the first 1.5 weeks after the January 6 insurrection. Even this modest loss was only short-lived---in February 2021 the Republican Party already stood at 93% of its pre-insurrection support level. In the last paper, I examine the consequences of democratic backsliding within the United States on America’s standing abroad. To do so, I exploit the fact that the January 6 insurrection unexpectedly occurred while Gallup was conducting nationally representative surveys in India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Romania, and Vietnam using random digit dialing. In contrast to many soft power theories in international relations, I find that the January 6 insurrection had no effect on U.S. leadership approval abroad.Item Controlled Access Nature, Nurture and Values in Development: Water as a Resource in KazakhstanKuermanaili, ShatanatiOften, water as an element of the commons, is studied in the field of Resource Economics as common-pool resources (CPRs), a specific type of good. Even if efforts have been made to take an integrated approach (e.g., the two dominant and frequently used concepts – the Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) and the Water-Food-Energy and Ecosystem Nexus), they are designed for policy makers to select relevant elements in keeping with the models, thereby relegating the local understanding of the key concept to the background. This way of effectively keeping the social-cultural complications in the background is indeed a paradigm that focuses on the utility that subjects to markets and formal constraints without paying attention to the informal and its interactions with the formal institutions and markets. In reality, the commonly shared resources – physical, institutional and cultural – formal and informal, interact with and reinforce each other through commoning. Thus, there is a necessity to widen our understanding of CPRs, in its original meaning of the communal sharing of assets of collective interest and uses it as a mechanism to connect with shared human-made systems. Then, what could be included in this widened understanding of the commons? Three objectives are regarded as collective goods in this integrated understanding of the commons: tangible commons of water, intangible commons of shared identity and culture, and the institutional commons of welfare and security. Empirically, besides archives and online database (the Transboundary Freshwater Dispute Database (TFDD) and the International River Cooperation and Conflict database (IRCC)), this study has conducted two stages of multi-sited fieldwork in Kazakhstan (mainly in Almaty and Taraz) in 2018 and 2019 respectively where the empirical evidence presented shows that informal institutions can also be a viable means of governance in serving the common interests. The main body begins with examining the nature of water related conflicts in Central Asia where a general political-economic approach with an assumption of water scarcity tends to write a water war thesis given the current context of incompatibility between the respective demands of the downstream and upstream states. However, if you closely examine, all of five Central Asian countries are not short of water, and more importantly, these studies did not tell us about conflict that are categorized as water conflicts, but are not systematically, or uniquely related to water. After analysing the historical cross-border water interactions, both conflict and cooperation, in the Aral Sea Basin where all Central Asian countries get involved, it suggests that water-related factors (e.g., water scarcity, water allocation, infrastructure etc.) may have created obstacles for cooperation, the linkages between water and other non-water-related factors of the political economy have the potential and capacity to cause conflicts over cross-border river water. Under these circumstances, the Central Asian republics have also managed to forge cooperation over cross-border waters on a bilateral or multilateral basis, each in their own manner. Thus, it argues that rather than fetishizing water conflicts thought, more efforts should be placed to revise the growth of water conflict thoughts and to explore how to govern and address both water-related and non-water-related factors properly and promptly to avoid potential conflict. It then zooms into its ethnographic context – Kazakhstan – to explore why the dichotomy between ‘strategy discourse’ and ‘practice discourse’ regarding water persists in Kazakhstan. Or why do ‘massive’ state water development programmes in Kazakhstan keep failing? It suggests that in Kazakhstan, the existing ‘strategy discourse’ as a top-down process focusing on market and formal constraints only creates claims on property rights, which does not effectively put together all the necessary factors to serve the common interests. Translating the statement into the language of governance, at the centre of current freshwater management system in Kazakhstan is what has been done by the state that does not effectively connect with the local community-possessed socio-cultural resources. Therefore, even if tremendous efforts have been made, the governing government has failed to achieve its strategic aims on the ground. It suggests that socio-cultural resources are community possessions, and thus, it is only at the ‘community level’ that they can have an impact. Only when decision-making over development projects, programmes and implementation is at this community level, can citizens participate and employ their socio-cultural resources in making and ensuring the success of strategic development goals. The proposed, ‘Oртақ’, people’s own understanding of the commons, naturally involves both formal and informal institutions, that is well-positioned to connect to the local community with the government. The explanation proceeds in three chapters corresponding to the proposition: Chapter 4 outlines current strategic guidance of the central state at macro-level where major transformations in the institutional and macroeconomic conditions have been reviewed within which water resources are governed in the country. It follows Chapter 5 examines local responses to these new changes and opportunities both in popular society and among local intellectuals. Particularly, at local level, when it examines local residents’ experiences of ongoing water supply services and the actual outcomes of outsourcing water services to private companies, it reveals the consequence of ‘strategy discourse’ as a top-down process that governs water resources by merely relying on the formal governing structures. It then suggests in Chapter 6 that informal institutions at local level can also be a viable means of governance for public welfare, which might also ensure the success of state’s development projects. Last, the Kazakh state has responded to global call to bring gender’s perspective in developing water policies. This chapter approaches the topic by exploring how the actual happening shifts in gender relations in the region have implications for water development projects that is unlike conventional studies that explore how the changes in water development discourses have specific gendered implications. Therefore, an examination of relatively recent Soviet policies on women and the current ongoing transitions are all of relevant concern. After examining the implications of the actual happening shifts in gender relations for water development projects in the region, it argues that this actual happening shifts in the construction of gender that have added values to water’s development projects, not vice versa as proposed. In sum, this thesis not only provides a holistic picture of water resources governance in Kazakhstan and the relationships between central and local forces and formal and informal institutions but also reveals the upshot of the collapse of socialism to its sequent implementation of neo-liberal policies within both public and domestic spheres.Item Open Access The politics of social protection in Bangladesh: The making of the National Social Security StrategyIdris, NabilaSocial protection has gained rapid prominence in the global development agenda in the past two decades. Numerous countries across the global South have enacted national social protection strategies in a bid to build state of the art programme portfolios. Bangladesh joined their ranks in 2015 with its National Social Security Strategy (NSSS). This study takes the NSSS as its point of departure to open the ‘black box’ of policymaking in Bangladesh. It particularly focuses on the politics of the food vs. cash debate, the targeting vs. universalism debate, and the role of bureaucrats, donors, NGOs, and labour in Bangladesh’s social protection politics. The thesis aims to critically understand how the wide-ranging, historically-entrenched political contestations in the country underpin the seemingly apolitical decisions in the NSSS. It is based on over sixty in depth qualitative interviews with key informants, weeks of participant observation in meetings and organisations, as well as analysis of hundreds of internal government documents. First, the study finds that labour has fallen victim to the institutional machinations of neoliberal global capitalism, which deliberately and systematically excludes it from policies of social protection. Second, the persistence of colonial era institutions and the power imbalance between producers and consumers in the rice market is shown to tilt the NSSS in favour of food transfers in the short term and cash transfers in the long term. Third, whilst Bangladesh is lauded for the strength of its NGO sector, this study finds NGOs to be a weak actor dependent on idea transfer to protect rental streams. Fourth, the study reveals how donors employ both coercive and ideational means to promote their favoured policies but succeeds where there is a receptive domestic political environment that supports the donors’ ideas, such as by favouring targeted programmes over universalism. And finally, national bureaucrats are seen to be powerful actors engaged in rent-seeking for both personal and organisational gains. The key contribution of the thesis is its critical analysis, which reveals the political nature of several significant social protection debates in Bangladesh, with potential lessons for other developing countries. At the theoretical level, it contributes to a growing body of political settlements analysis of social protection policies by proposing that the unit of analysis be narrowed down to the issue-level. At the methodological level, the thesis brings the vantage point of the state’s bureaucratic machinery to the fore, thereby providing a counterpoint to many studies on Bangladesh that centre non-state actors.Item Open Access Knowing fish: a cultural case study and portrait of resource understandings in Caspian EurasiaBerman, CallieThis research seeks to establish the deductive premises of the contemporary sustainability concept by building a cultural case study. Beginning with mainstream resource definitions formulated under the sustainability concept which emphasize market evaluations, this case study explored the limitations of such resource interpretations in Caspian Eurasia. Using Caspian sturgeon as the object of analysis, this research’s inductive approach demonstrated how the sustainability concept was mobilized according to certain interpretations of the natural world, knowledge traditions, and a development history specific to western societies. It did so by recording resource meaning-making processes within Caspian cultural life, and how these were reflected in modernized aquaculture production in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan. The IPBES Framework was tested as a representative tool for current sustainability formulations to assess the extent to which these formulations could explain local forms of sturgeon appreciation. By accounting for Caspian Eurasia’s development history, this research demonstrates how the physical geography of the Eurasian steppe conditioned distinct human relations with the environment which continue to inform modern day processes. Accounting for the region’s development history and the role sturgeon played as a key food source to support the livestock economy, this research produces alternative resource definitions that more accurately explain Caspian Eurasia’s contemporary relationship with sturgeon fish. These resource definitions fill conceptual gaps to update the sustainability framework by incorporating the important modes historically engaging Eurasia’s geography and people.Item Open Access Negotiating power over oil and gas resources in Senegal: The political economy of oil and gas in a ‘new producer’ country.Ramirez, Ana FranciscaNegotiating power over oil and gas resources in Senegal: The political economy of oil and gas in a ‘new producer’ country. Ana Francisca Ramirez. Since its independence from France in 1960, Senegal has displayed relative political stability and institutional capacity, as well as peaceful democratic transitions. Yet, when important oil and gas discoveries were made offshore between 2014 and 2016, Senegal settled for a small share of the potential oil and gas ‘pie’. Why did Senegal, a country with a relatively robust economy, strong political leadership and stable institutions not take a more assertive stance on oil and gas governance? To answer this question, I look to the universe of ‘pre-oil’ politics. Drawing from archival evidence of exploration and production negotiations from the colonial period in Senegal, as well as contemporary primary evidence from interviews with international oil and gas industry specialists and government officials, I explore the specific set of historical, institutional and political constraints, international and domestic, within which oil and gas resources are negotiated. Including Senegal’s upstream oil regulations, tax incentives, legal and fiscal conditions, exploration and production contracts. In my chapters, I analyse the history of oil and gas exploration under colonial rule, the evolution of Senegal’s political settlement since independence, the country’s contemporary oil and gas upstream governance framework, the specific offshore oil and gas project developments as they were agreed at final investment decision between government and companies, and the role played by donors and narratives in shaping key notions of risk and capacity among government and companies. I find that the fiscal and legal frameworks that were inherited by newly-sovereign Senegal at independence were in fact drafted by the colonial-oil company complex. Yet, these laws were never reformed to improve investment terms for Senegal but on the contrary terms deteriorated since the immediate post-colonial period. Senegal is now an emerging exploration and production country with proven resources and development potential. A series of interconnected domestic political factors and international forces have prevented Senegal from doing away with this imbalanced historical legacy and redefining terms in a way that creates more benefits for its economy, and political elites. I show that negotiation processes between government and international oil companies shape contractual and project agreements and reveal foundational power asymmetries that are key to our understanding of oil and gas resource management, politics and economics. Further, I argue that the nature and origins of the state-marabout domestic political settlement helps explain political elites’ complacency with suboptimal investment terms. This work contributes to enriching the existing debates on the political economy of oil and gas governance in emerging producer countries in Africa. It provides insights that draw on the multiple dimensions (historical, technical, legal, political) of oil and gas governance in a country that holds significant (35 Tcf natural gas and 2.7 billion barrels of recoverable oil reserves) but not colossal enough resources to transform its entire political economy. If and when the three development phases of GTA and SNE projects are in production, Senegal would produce about a quarter of Angola’s present day production.Item Open Access Identity, Resilience and Social Justice: Peace-making in a Neoliberal Global Order(2021-12-06) Wilson, EmmaOver the last decade ‘inclusivity’ – or the selection of a broad range of armed and non-armed social actors to participate in peace processes – has emerged as the fundamental principle of peace process design. As external international peace mediation theoretically no longer seeks to dictate liberal peace outcomes, but merely aims to facilitate participatory processes of locally-driven social change, the question of ‘who gets a seat at the table?’ has become of vital importance for the success and outcome of peace processes. The broad theoretical rationale behind ‘inclusivity’ is that a process that includes the views of a wide range of local stakeholders is more likely to address the social needs of conflict societies, produce resilient social systems and have legitimacy at the local level because it is ‘owned’ by those who have contributed to and made the decisions. The principle of inclusive peace process design has been operationalised through the inclusion of unconventional violent non-state actors, women, civil society, youth, opposition political parties, ethnic minorities, religious actors, business actors and other actors such as indigenous communities, internally displaced people, diasporas and refugees. Focusing on the social exclusion issues of misrecognition and maldistribution as the primary driver of violence in the fragmented and localised neoliberal conflict zone, this thesis argues that inclusive peace process design has had limited success in achieving its objectives of legitimacy and empowerment of marginalised actors to place issues of social inclusion on the negotiating agendas of peace processes. In many peace processes, social inclusion strategies are actively resisted by elites and the general public. The peace and conflict studies literature lacks theoretical frameworks and concepts to explain why social inclusion strategies face elite resistance and despite small successes in elevating the voices of elite women and civil society groups, has largely failed to engage intersecting race, gender and class issues in the politics of peace processes. This reflects an emphasis on normative approaches to inclusivity grounded in the international human right to political participation at the expense of the power politics of inclusion/exclusion characteristic of neoliberal societies that limit the participation of some social groups in inclusive peace processes. The normative approach has produced scholarship on the discourse of inclusivity in international organisations or the inclusion of singular identity groups such as women or youth in peace processes. Where the conflict context is considered it is focused on the interaction of illiberal elites with liberal human rights frameworks. Drawing on critical social theory and mixed methods research, this thesis develops a critical framework to understand the politics of social inclusion in peace processes by placing the ‘hype’ around inclusivity within the context of the global international security paradigm of inclusion/exclusion that permeates and structures peace process design and the conflict societies that peace mediation seeks to support. It argues that the politics of inclusion – or the setting of the boundaries of the ‘political’ in peace processes -- is a dynamic interplay between dominant liberal political inclusion and liberal security exclusion narratives of elites, and resistant social justice discourse, which consists of the class politics of redistribution and the identity politics of recognition of unconventional violent non-state actors, social movements and subaltern actors. It argues the structural power of the politics-crime binary that underpins both inclusion/exclusion and inclusivity narratives operates to persistently criminalise and exclude class politics, unconventional violent non-state actors and marginalised actors from the political sphere, leaving the social exclusion that promotes conflict in the neoliberal era to apolitical community mediation to increase resilience. It outlines a new social inclusion strategy based on the values and objectives of social justice and sociological conflict analysis as a pathway to expand the politics of peace processes to include social issues of recognition and redistribution. It demonstrates the relevance of the critical framework with empirical evidence from four peace processes – Myanmar, Colombia, Mali and San Salvador (gang truce).Item Open Access A Reign of Burnt Wounds and Crowded Cells: Exploring how political power is upheld at street level through observations of the municipal police in Mexico City(2022-01-31) Garciadiego Ruiz, EmilioRecent studies of police, particularly those that have followed an ethnographic approach in diverse settings across the Global South, have unmasked policing as an everyday exercise of power, a source of mediation between state and non-state actors and an apparatus that enforces the status quo. But if these findings entail a conceptualisation of the police as a political actor, then how does it enact politics at street level? Moreover, how are political elites upheld through police practices? This dissertation follows the methods and aim of the aforementioned ethnographic studies in order to explore whether policing in Mexico conceals answers to these questions. For that purpose, this dissertation draws on eight months of participant observations conducted within a municipal police precinct located in the outskirts of Mexico City. Through this method, I examine how municipal police officers and detectives operate through gendered assumptions and racist logics. Indeed, the practices, words and gestures of municipal police officers and detectives exposed how their way of conceiving and reacting to crimes and violence unearthed the systematic reproduction of a hegemonic masculinity. Concurrently, their treatment of alleged suspects revealed the enforcement of a long-established social hierarchy that is based on privileging whiteness. As this dissertation argues, the exercise of street level power on gendered and racial terms points to why these police officers and detectives represent a political elite that has ruled over that area of the city – and until recently, over the entire country - for nearly a century. Crucially, these exercises of power are largely obscured by everyday policing techniques that systematically produce arrested subjects, therefore creating a façade of law enforcement that allows for the police to be justified in a moment when its role is increasingly questioned and scrutinised, moreover in the face of ever-expanding violence and the incipient militarisation of municipal policing.