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    The European Community’s Relations with the Soviet Union (1973-1991)
    Ewert, Claude
    The dissertation gives an unprecedented historical account of EC-USSR relations, thereby focusing on the perspective of Brussels. From 1958 to 1972, the European Economic Community (EEC) permitted its member states to handle trade with the USSR on a bilateral basis. In 1973, this changed, and the European Commission would oversee trade, forcing Moscow, which had until then refrained from even unofficially acknowledging the European integration project, to the negotiation table. These negotiations would drag on, often without any results. By the late 1970s, the Commission under the presidency of Roy Jenkins would target surplus production in the EC (mostly dairy productions) to sell at a subsidised price to the USSR. Relations started to improve, and meetings between EC and Soviet officials became more recurrent. However, an EC committed to becoming a political player in global affairs could not ignore the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan or Moscow pressurising the Polish government into imposing martial law in the country. For the first time, the EC decided to sanction the USSR, albeit minimally, causing EC-USSR relations to be put on hold. When Gorbachev came to power, his policies changed the decade-old opposition from Moscow to the EC, and by the late 1980s, an EC-USSR trade deal had been signed. In the final years of the USSR, Brussels granted Gorbachev financial aid, hoping it would help Gorbachev’s reforms and prevent the USSR from collapsing. The dissertation asks explicitly how the European Commission handled EC-USSR relations. How an ever more political community of European states reacted to significant geopolitical events will enlighten the reader on the first steps of an attempt at EC external relations. A more minor research question is whether we should question the notion of détente as stemming largely from the Helsinki Accords.
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    The Linguistic Economies of Labouring Families in England and New South Wales during the Early Nineteenth Century
    Adams, Caitlin
    This thesis conceives and reveals a hitherto unconceptualized aspect of plebeian life: linguistic economies. It defines and demonstrates linguistic economies as an historical phenomenon, and a conceptual tool for historical analysis. Employing this concept, the thesis analyses how labouring families used, exchanged, and adapted language in England and New South Wales (NSW) in the early nineteenth century. It compares petitions for pardon from England and NSW, in which prisoners and their advocates petitioned the king, home secretary, or governor of NSW for relief from criminal sentences. Interrogating these sources, as well as convict love tokens, this thesis shows that plebeians’ linguistic economies were relational and participatory. It reveals how labouring people used language to reflect and shape social relationships, contribute to imperial expansion, and sometimes even change their own fates. It illuminates the range of rhetorical strategies used in petitions from both locations, how these worked, and how patterns of use changed according to petitioners’ social status and location. By situating labouring language in its social, geographic, and relational contexts, this thesis transforms the historiographical landscape. By arguing that labouring people’s linguistic economies were embedded in, and contingent on, their circumstances, this thesis challenges current depictions of plebeian agency as largely unfettered and self-fashioning. It also reconciles the methodologically estranged notions of representation and reality, demonstrating how plebeians’ strategic texts reveal their lived experiences of family relationships and social networks. By embedding labouring writing in its context, this thesis probes the content, characteristics, limits, and power of plebeian language.
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    Representations of Prussian life and history in the Preussische Chronik of Simon Grunau
    Hewitt, Thomas
    Simon Grunau (c. 1455/1470-1530) wrote his *Preussische Chronik* between 1517 and 1526, with additions until around 1530. It delineates many aspects of Prussian customs, culture and history, from humanistic ethnogenesis in pre-Teutonic times, through the Teutonic conquest and subsequently into both daily life and political events in Prussia during his lifetime. Accordingly, Grunau deals with themes of many natures; religious, social, economic and political. Much of the previous historiographical analysis of Grunau’s work has principally dismissed Grunau’s work as being fictitious and unworthy of study, on the basis of the exaggerations and inventions he included as part of his narrative. However, medieval approaches to truth and narrative histories diverge from modern definitions and thus it is a mistake to analyse Grunau’s chronicle solely from the premise of identifying veracity as we might understand it. It is certainly true that as a whole, Grunau’s narrative cannot be taken as factually accurate; but the same can be said for almost all medieval narrative sources. This thesis posits that Grunau’s narrative and representations of Prussia must be analysed and contextualised in order to identify Grunau’s own aims, how he attempted to pursue them and how they reflected trends in Prussia in the early sixteenth century. Above all, it argues that Grunau’s Chronicle represents a valuable source for the study of early sixteenth-century attitudes to Prussian history. It should be understood in part as an ethnogenesis, in part as an exposition of the life of the peasants and urban poor in Prussia, and in part as a piece of propaganda aimed at arresting the spread of Lutheranism, within Royal Prussia above all.
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    Neoliberalism and the Problem of Poverty, 1929-73
    Coleman, Daniel
    This dissertation examines the development of neoliberal ideas on poverty and inequality between the 1930s and the 1970s. To do so, it takes key members of the Mont Pèlerin Society as its focus, including Frank Knight, Friedrich Hayek, Ludwig von Mises, Peter Bauer, and Milton Friedman. While poverty and inequality have formed the greatest arsenal of neoliberalism’s critics, my dissertation explores the solutions these thinkers offered to meet those challenges, and how they evolved over the course of the twentieth century. It explores these themes across five distinct theoretical and political contexts: depression (1929-39), war (1939-47), development (1946-62), affluence (1948-62), and welfare (1962-73). I argue that what always united the neoliberal network was not an opposition to redistribution *per se*, but rather the protection of the market price mechanism. I centre instead what I have called “the sectional interest state” as their primary target for social critique - a political economy providing security to particular producer and occupational groups on the basis of political weight rather than economic need or contribution. Such provisions came at the expense of free trade, the price mechanism, and a neutral liberal state, all of which neoliberals placed as non-negotiable features of the liberal order. The dissertation charts how redistribution initially formed a separate consideration to this framework, birthing stark divisions between neoliberals at the foundation of their network in the 1940s, bound at its poles by Henry Simons and Ludwig von Mises in particular. By charting the receding popular attraction of socialism, the return of capitalist prosperity, and the growing international context of development debates in the postwar decades, I track how neoliberal accommodations with redistributive taxation had nonetheless evaporated by the 1960s.
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    Metric reform as a workshop of scientific and economic governance in revolutionary France
    Prevignano, Emma; Prevignano, Emma [0000-0001-8571-5504]
    In late eighteenth-century France, questions about the regulation and standardisation of measurements enthralled the intellectual and scientific elites, state administrators, large-scale traders, members of the artisanal world and of the engaged reading public. In the revolutionary period, members of these different (and fluctuating) groups formulated, influenced, and responded to a metrological reform meant to introduce a new system of standardised units suitable to all measuring activities and all places. As they contributed to shape metrication, they were simultaneously constructing the new political regime and their place within it. This dissertation considers the early history of the metric system as a testing ground to investigate how the scope and reach of both scientific expertise and state action changed in France during the revolutionary period. Through the metric reform, the authority of an esoteric approach to scientific knowledge and the power of the new state emerged interlocked. A new space opened, within the state, for the establishment of a scientific expert detached from administrative and technical concerns, a figure that was substantially different from the hybrid academician of the Old Regime. Political actors engaging with metrication were looking for a balance between the wish to acquire a better understanding of the country’s economic life and liberal notions of non-intervention and deregulation. By the end of the decade, this was coming into focus: the state was letting go of its ambitions to manage production whilst reinforcing its power to monitor productivity outcomes. Metrication led republican administrators to test the reach of state governance across space: they realised that the involvement of expert members of the public was crucial for metrication to have any hope of succeeding; they also learnt that successful standardisation required reaching a common agreement about the meaning of precision. The metric system, born as a scholarly ideal tied to antique republicanism, ended up being a system well-geared towards the mechanisation of production.
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    The Colonial and Imperial Conferences, 1887-1937
    McKay, Daniel
    The first Colonial Conference met in London in 1887. The Conference was an experiment in imperial and international political consultation and came after years of lobbying by the Imperial Federation League (IFL) and the broader imperial unity movement which sought to reform Britain’s relations with its self-governing settler colonies. For the first time, British leaders met representatives of these distant colonies in the same room. It was the beginning of an efficient political institution that regularly brought people together from across the globe and bridged political and personal differences. Between 1887 and 1937, there were fifteen Conferences; thirteen were held in London at the heart of the imperial metropolis and two in Ottawa hosted by Canadian Governments keen to seize the initiative. Initially the Conference were dubbed ‘Colonial’ but after the 1907 Conference they became ‘Imperial’ Conferences, just as the white settler colonies renamed themselves as ‘Dominions’. Typically lasting around five weeks, the Conferences were elaborate events which became as much social and cultural gatherings as political meetings. The Conferences were successful precisely because through this parallel social programme they became regular opportunities for British and Dominion elites to network and build relationships and trust. As experiences, the Conferences often shaped colonial delegates’ ideas about the British Empire. Over five decades, up to the eve of the Second World War in 1937, the Colonial and Imperial Conferences emerged as the central institution for managing the evolving imperial relationship. The British Government discovered that the Conference method enabled them to subtly control the agenda through weaponised hospitality, just as the Dominions discovered the strength of working together to protect their collective interests. These Conferences were crucial to the transition from Empire to Commonwealth. As it appeared, the British Commonwealth of Nations retained the Conferences as their governing body and its consensus approach to decision-making and rhetorical appeals to familial links and shared values.
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    Anti-colonial radio broadcasts to British East Africa and their audiences, c. 1940-1963
    White, Alexander
    This thesis examines the influence of international broadcasting in late colonial East Africa, focusing on the audiences to radical anti-colonial broadcasters including Radio Cairo, All India Radio, Radio Moscow and Radio Peking. By examining broadcast transcripts, colonial reports and personal memoir, it seeks to reconstruct not just who listened to these services but how they imagined their participation in a wider media ecosystem. It also examines how colonial administrators monitored, interpreted and responded to broadcasts. By tracing debates about the effects of ‘subversive broadcasts’ from the Second World War to the transfer of power in East Africa, it argues that the colonial state was deeply affected by the fear that anti-colonial broadcasting would destabilise British rule and lead to revolt in East Africa. These fears, in turn, encouraged the British Government to invest unprecedented resources in an emerging ‘information war’ between colonial and anti-colonial broadcasters. This thesis begins by examining Axis broadcasting to East Africa in the Second World War, which produced the first significant propaganda anxieties within the colonial state but may also have attracted more active and critical audiences than British officials realised. It then traces the development of Radio Cairo and All India Radio’s broadcasts to East Africa, which contributed to complex and pluralistic listening cultures but encouraged the colonial government to turn to increasingly authoritarian measures of suppression. Finally, it examines the changing nature of the audiences in the final years of colonial rule, suggesting that oncoming political independence allowed some anti-colonial audiences to take on the form of a nationalist public sphere. Ultimately, this thesis argues that a bifurcated view of the audience as an imagined community and a community-in-being offers new opportunities to understand the influence of transnational media in the late colonial world.
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    Sensation, Sacred Landscapes, and the Sense of the Past in Britain and Ireland, 1689-1760
    Hendry, Jacob
    This thesis explores how sensation could be central to the articulation of the sacrality of the landscape for British Protestants in the first half of the eighteenth century. It examines the relationship between attitudes to the visible past and the history of emotions, the senses, and experience to reveal the religious inflections of the eighteenth-century culture of sensibility. With this in mind, I work to nuance recent histories that have shown that the British landscape was held to be sacred in many senses well into the eighteenth century by showing that feeling and sensation played a central role in the ways people conceived and perceived the sacrality of the landscape. Religiously inflected sensations such as pleasure and delight, rapture and ecstasy, horror and dread, were elicited in encounters with the landscape across the first half of the eighteenth century, whether this was while beholding or painting landscape pictures; seeking solitude and retreat in poetry and gardens; listening to thunderous echoes in mountainous and subterranean landscapes; or observing the supposed druidic visible past that littered the British landscape. Whilst these landscapes and sensations were certainly to be enjoyed, they were also the source of deep anxiety. The British landscape contained the remains of Britain’s religious past from the supposed temples and groves of the druids to the ruins of medieval abbeys. These were places at which religiously inflected sensations were thought to have been felt before in idolatrous worship. Moreover, with the Act of Toleration in 1689, Anglicanism was increasingly coming under threat by dissenting sects which, now legal, were often defined by their perceived (over) use of religious sensation in their worship and piety. These ambivalences defined the shifting and changing experience and articulation of sacred landscapes through sensation in pre-Romantic Britain.
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    Missionary Print Culture and Medical Knowledge in the South Pacific and Britain, ca. 1795-1850
    Tilson, Kate
    This thesis examines how medical knowledge was circulated across Evangelical and imperial print networks between Britain and the South Pacific in the first half of the nineteenth century (ca. 1795-1850). It focuses on the London Missionary Society and draws upon a wide range of sources, including missionary letters, journals, administrative records, books, pamphlets and periodicals. It argues that missionary print production was not simply geared to the dispersal of fantastical imaginings into a British market. Rather, it was a complex, tangible, world-spanning system of knowledge production. This system encompassed the metropolitan accounts of the periodicals and the missionaries’ unpublished records, texts which documented moments of uncertainty, vulnerability and cross-cultural interaction on the edges of empire. Each chapter studies a particular medical theme in missionary writing: missionary medicine; disease and depopulation; the medicalisation of sexuality; childbirth; and death and dying. As the missionaries strived to investigate new ways of healing on the ground, their experiences of sickness and death played a significant role in shaping the knowledge networks that emerged between Britain and the South Pacific.
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    Voluntary Organisations and the 1981–6 Greater London Council
    Dahlborn, David
    This dissertation answers the question of how 1981–6 Greater London Council (GLC) used grants to voluntary groups. In doing so, it makes visible part of an unnoticed history of how London was remade in the 1980s and creates an introduction for future studies of both the GLC and the organisations it supported. Part of this history is a vision for what London might have been created by the labour movement and the Labour Party’s last GLC administration. Asking how the money that the last GLC’s Labour administration spent on what it called ‘voluntary and community groups’ means understanding how it imagined that the labour movement would transform local government in its own image to extend democracy from politics to all civil society. The particularities of this vision were largely forgotten as London’s labour movement and its relationships with non-state groups have been overlooked in histories of the late twentieth century. Therefore, this dissertation describes four important areas of the city’s social and economic life where the London Labour Party tried to implement its socialist vision by using grants to non-state organisations: public transport for people with disabilities, health and medicine, under-fives childcare and education, and policing. Although the GLC was abolished by Margaret Thatcher’s government in 1986, these attempted policy implementations by London’s labour movement created a long-running and widespread legacy. Examples of this include the creation of the dial-a-ride public transport service for people with disabilities and of London’s democratically accountable police authority. But by tracing the archival sources from the GLC into the bodies it funded, this dissertation also pays particular attention to the political work and ideas of the people who constituted organisations in these four policy areas. They frequently belonged to networks or institutions connected to either the labour movement or other political or religious tendencies. In each of the four policy areas studied here, there were contrasts and overlaps in thought and action between, on the one hand, people in (or aligned to) the labour movement, and, on the other, groups from different non-labour-movement organisations. They used the grants they received for different imagined purposes even when their actions looked similar from the outside. This dissertation describes in various ways how the non-labour-movement side tended towards dominance in each sector after the GLC’s abolition. The fact that multiple alternatives existed, however, is key to understanding London’s history and how change and continuity in small democratic organisations, caused by the everyday work of the people who ran them, created many of the trends which, in retrospect, looked like large, impersonal forces. This can make the course of history seem obvious or necessary, as in the assumption that the labour-movement vision for London described here – of industrial democracy and state developmentalism – would inevitably diminish. Although the 1980s have been remembered and, partially, historicised as the decade of the labour movement’s unavoidable defeat, in London and at the GLC the labour-movement alternative existed and was a viable political option until 1986 – for two thirds of the decade. Although the last Labour GLC’s overall vision for London was never fully implemented, its attempts changed the city forever.
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    Chasing papers and documenting mobile subjects in colonial Central Asia, 1865-1916
    Zehni, Malikabonui
    What was the experience of crossing borders like during the turn of the twentieth century? What channelled and restricted this movement? Importantly, what role did travel papers play in shaping mobility during this stage of globalisation? I explore these questions by looking at a historically hypermobile yet often overlooked region of Central Asia under the Tsarist colonial rule. The latter was among many interested empires around the region: the British conducted excursions from the south while the Qing expanded in the east. While conventional historiography has underscored the Great Game rivalry, my work moves beyond this by focusing on the indigenous inhabitants and their navigation of the changing geopolitical regimes. As these empires drew lines dividing their territories and loyalties through physical demarcations and regulations, many evaded strict rigidities. Cross-border experiences of labourers, merchants, and pilgrims shape my research: their trek across mountains and steppes, on camels or ‘steel horses’ (i.e. railways), led them to engage with socio-legal orders in the shape of documents. From passports and visas to petitions and permit certificates, these aimed to replicate the travellers’ biometric data in the form of physical descriptors. By focusing on the carriers of said papers, I expand beyond the notion of the documentary regime as a mere surveillance tool. Some viewed it as a means of accessing extraterritorial rights and imperial protection. Others found the process of acquisition, including prolonged contact with colonial authorities and expenses, unbearable; among such, one finds stories of counterfeit and subversion, which, in turn, reveals an intricate understanding of the changing mobility regimes.
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    The Manuscript Circulation and Use of Bede’s Martyrology and Religious Practice in Carolingian and Post-Carolingian Europe, to c. 1250
    Falardeau, Kate; Falardeau, Kate [0000-0001-6869-6081]
    Bede’s Martyrology is the earliest known historical example of a calendrical list of martyrs, or martyrology, composed by Bede c. 725–731. All surviving manuscript copies are Continental and date to the ninth century or later. Historical martyrologies were popular in ninth-century Francia. Thus far, most scholars have focussed on Usuard’s Martyrology (c. 850–879), which would eventually form the basis of the modern Roman Martyrology. The nature of the so-called Carolingian reforms has been reconceptualised in recent scholarship. The role of liturgical manuscripts within this context has also received renewed analysis. Following these historiographical developments, the manuscript circulation and use of Bede’s Martyrology provide a case study for the application and long-term effects of Carolingian *correctio*. I examine manuscript copies of Bede’s Martyrology to clarify ninth-century developments in religious practice and their consequences. In the first chapter of the dissertation, I focus on the compilation of Bede’s text and the attribution of manuscript copies. In chapter two, I discuss one component included in top-down efforts at reform, the use of a martyrology in chapter, to ascertain the extent to which manuscript copies of Bede’s Martyrology reflect the prescriptive sources. In chapter three, I analyse *correctio* in the localities through the use of Bede’s text by ninth-century bishops and local priests in education and pastoral care. In chapters four and five, I examine copies of Bede’s Martyrology in the former Carolingian lands and Montecassino and Rome, respectively, to characterise uses of the Carolingian inheritance 900–1250. I argue that the presentation, circulation, and use of manuscript copies of Bede’s Martyrology reveal not only the entwined liturgical creativity and historical consciousness of ninth-century Carolingian Francia but also the subsequent influence of Franco-Roman liturgical practice in the Latin West.
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    Salvation in the Scholarship of Seventeenth-Century English Catholics
    Dilucia, Niall
    In this thesis I investigate the relationship between ‘new’ philosophy and salvation in the scholarship of three seventeenth-century English Catholics: Sir Kenelm Digby (1603–1665), Thomas White (1593–1676), and Franciscus à Sancta Clara (c. 1598–1680). My first overarching argument is that salvation is an invaluable and historiographically underappreciated conceptual focus that improves our current appreciation of the seventeenth century’s philosophical advancements. By investigating how three significant but understudied scholars used their ‘new’ philosophies to aid their readers’ salvation, I demonstrate that theology continued to play a significant role in motivating early modern philosophical innovation—innovation that has previously been characterised as leading to theology’s marginalisation. This thesis also constitutes an unprecedentedly comparative and detailed contribution to the intellectual history of seventeenth-century English Catholicism. I make this contribution in two ways. First, I show that idiosyncratic intellectual contexts led Digby, White, and Sancta Clara to demonstrate ‘new’ philosophy’s importance to salvation in contrasting ways. Recovering these divergent approaches leads to a more sophisticated appreciation of English Catholic scholarly identity in the seventeenth century. Second, I show that Digby, White, and Sancta Clara asserted their confessional identity through a ‘turn towards the individual’ in their ecclesiologies. More specifically, I evidence that, through an emphasis on their reader’s ability to progress towards salvation via rational deliberation, they made criticisms of the institutional Church, which they saw as impeding the individual Catholic’s intellectual and spiritual self-improvement. In order to make these contributions, this thesis is structured as three chapters: chapter one examines the role salvation played in Digby’s early and mature philosophy; chapter two uncovers how White’s preoccupation with salvation influenced his numerous theological and philosophical works; and chapter three uses Sancta Clara’s writings on salvation to reassess his philosophy and scholarly motivations.
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    Petitioning and Political Culture in Late Company Madras, 1830-1860
    Connors, Scott; Connors, Scott [0000-0001-7988-8724]
    This dissertation studies the development of reformist political culture in South India during the last decades of East India Company rule in the mid-nineteenth century. Through an analysis of a wide-ranging body of South Indian sources, including mass petitions (some signed by as many as 70,000 individuals), pamphlets, speeches, polemical writings, and the transactions of public meetings, it reveals a vigorous political culture existed in the understudied presidency of Madras. Incorporating archival material from British and Indian archives, this dissertation dissects the life-cycles, that is the origins and short and long-term effects, of mid-century colonial mass petitions. It does so by analysing the correspondence and deliberations that preceded a petition’s release, the processes by which it was circulated for signature, and the consequent resolutions and debates that followed its reception by colonial authorities. I argue that the petition, in its most public and political iteration, was seized by reformers who anticipated, and sought to direct, the dramatic structural changes that transformed the embattled Company before its demise in 1858. This dissertation applies a close reading of six petitionary campaigns that demanded, in turn, education reform, religious protections, political representation, the restoration of annexed Rajas, the reconstitution of the presidency system, and, perhaps most dramatically, the abolition of the Company itself. Instead of identifying these campaigns as precursors to the nationalist politics of the late nineteenth century, I argue that they marked a distinct phase of colonial politics that sought to mould the colonial state and its policies. By approaching the history of anti-Company politics from the contexts of southern India and Britain, this dissertation proposes a multi-sited account of the transition to Crown rule that reincorporates the Madras presidency as a venue of radical political innovation.
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    British Attitudes to the German Economic Miracle, 1948 to circa 1971
    Chamberlain, Colin
    This doctoral dissertation examines British attitudes to the German ‘economic miracle’ in the years 1948 to circa 1971 principally through the eyes of politicians, officials, businessmen and informed commentators. Britain had poor productivity, balance of payments difficulties, inflation and, more than anything else, growing industrial disruption. The question is asked as to what extent Britain compared itself to Germany, the most dynamic of the European economies? Did the British think there were lessons which might have been learned particularly in the all-important area of industrial relations which went from bad to worse in Britain but in Germany were described by one British economist as ‘almost idyllic’? Post-war economies were about the efficient mass production of goods, at which the Germans were widely considered to excel but the British much less so than before. The British cursed their debts, their problems with sterling’s international role and their global military commitments but the underlying problem judging by contemporary voices was the failure of Britain to organise itself in the workplace and achieve the level of exports it needed to compete. This dissertation looks at contemporary British perceptions of the German economy, its industrial relations, and some of the irritations which arose in British-German economic relations for what they say about Britain. There were in the period a surprising number of these irritations, each made worse for Britain by Germany’s growing economic strength. Britain was obliged to write-off German debts to help the German economy at a time when it felt weighed down with its own debts. Germany’s huge export success in Europe embarrassed Britain at a time when its traditional Commonwealth trade was stalling. Germany’s build-up of huge reserves produced a so-called ‘financial disequilibrium’ making worse Britain’s struggles with its inflation, balance of payments, ‘stop-go’ policies and industrial relations. The costs of Britain’s garrison in Germany was an unwelcome burden on the balance of payments for which Britain clamoured for reimbursement. When Britain, in a change of tack, decided its future lay in Europe, it was convinced that ‘Germany held the key’, only after years of negotiation to be disappointed when it found Germany provided little worthwhile help.
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    The political economy of English textile manufacturers in an era of national and global change, 1688-1722;
    Bromley, Hugo
    This is a history of the people involved in the production and distribution of British wool and silk cloth, what they thought a good economy was, how that intersected with their understanding of what their country was, and how they interacted with and reshaped the global economy through those combined understandings. Each one of these aspects is inseparable from both the others and its own context: respectively methods of production, economic development, national structures and government, and global trade and consumption. After 1688, English political economy was shaped by the experiences of economic actors, who justified their positions primarily in terms of employment. The thesis explores how English textile manufacturers understood the global economy, and how their appeals to the state for support combined with the state’s increasing need for revenue to shape English and later British political economy. It does so over five chapters, considering first clothiers’ access the ‘open archive’ in London, and the role of textile manufacturers in the decline of English overseas trading companies. The second chapter assesses role of the textile industry, particularly in South West England, in shaping England’s economic border and customs policy, including towards Ireland. After discussing the state’s efforts to regulate relationships between workers and masters, the thesis discusses how clothiers attempted to shape the state’s pursuit of national markets to reflect the experience of overseas trade, before concluding with a global history of the Calico Acts. These studies reveal how England’s clothiers were able to engage with and change global systems through a political economy that prized economic experience over theoretical understanding. It is to explore how a clothier writing a pamphlet in the shadow of Gloucester cathedral, or a young weaver throwing a brick through an East India merchant’s window was taking part in a global process that transformed transnational exchanges to shape their own local economy. As the weaver settled down to her loom in the evening, she had just taken part in another creative process – the formation of Britain’s system of political economy.
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    Neutrality in Belgium and the Netherlands, 1899-1914
    Sterenborg, Pieter
    By 1914, Belgium and the Netherlands had maintained a foreign policy of neutrality for nearly a century. For these two similarly sized, neighbouring countries in northwest Europe, it was not an occasional stance, but a long-term position that persisted in times of peace. Belgium had been neutralised at the time of its independence; the Netherlands had opted for it voluntarily. This thesis investigates how neutrality was constructed and employed by Belgium and the Netherlands and how the policy was debated in official circles as well as the public sphere, focusing on the period from 1899 to the start of the First World War. It aims to connect the concept of neutrality, hardly ever considered outside the realm of diplomatic history, to processes of nationalism and national identity formation. For Belgium and the Netherlands, neutrality was more than a security policy. Being neutral, vowing not to take part in conflict, also impacted heavily on how the Belgians and the Dutch perceived themselves in Europe and the world at large. Neutrality was never universally supported in either country. During these years, opponents viewed it as humiliating to their nation and they frequently advocated for abandoning it. Merging neutrality with nationalism through its construction as a mission to foster peace in Europe was essential when it came to strengthening the policy’s domestic popularity. It fulfilled a widespread desire for a national purpose and for a sense of agency in international affairs. This forms a crucial part of the explanation for the policy’s longevity. Both the Belgians and the Dutch thus turned their neutrality from a position of weakness into one of strength.
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    Iconoclasm, Protestant Aesthetics, and the Meaning of Making in Early Modern England, 1550–1600
    Kallevik Nielsen, Simen
    This thesis is about making in post-Reformation England. Roughly covering the period between 1550 and 1600, it explores the English cultural contexts of Protestant and Calvinist discourses in the sixteenth century. But equally, it is a thesis about the *meaning* of making. Scholarship abounds on the procedures and dynamics of “meaning-making” in a specific field, department, or discipline. Yet, there has been a consistent lack of attention paid to the reverse form of this designation; what does it mean to make? How does it produce meaning within social, cultural, and intellectual contexts? Making, this thesis argues, has too easily been taken for granted. Culturally and intellectually expansive, rich, and complex in implication, making, as action and phenomenon, permeates the lifeworld of historical experience. In so far as creative production, conceptual engineering, and material fashioning all remain a staple of multiple spheres of meaning, the focus and identity of this thesis resides at the tangencies between intellectual and cultural history, as well as the history of art. In particular, these are fields of singular interdisciplinary relevance with regard to research into early modernity. Furthermore, they have all in different ways concerned themselves with visual and material culture, not least how problems of aesthetics, philosophy, literature, and religion are entrenched in and expressed in material contexts. Sixteenth-century Europe remain a *nexus classicus* of such intellectual and historical ambulation; it was arguably the setting for the most distressing social and religious ordeal on the continent since the Black Death. Reformation England was no exception, as our exploration of figures like William Tyndale, Thomas Cranmer, John Calvin, John Jewel and William Perkins will demonstrate. By teasing out tensions in the post-Reformation debates surrounding the act of artistic making in a religious framework, the thesis provides a framework for how these play out in four different contexts: Chapter 1 addresses the influence and reception of Genesis and the Second Commandment on art-making in the Reformation and its surrounding discourse; the English Calvinists of the Elizabethan period, such as John Jewel and Gervase Babington are central here. Chapter 2 moves from a discussion of divine creativity to that of human imagination and cultural production. Comparing Protestant and Catholic-Humanist examples, the chapter goes into particular detail on William Perkins’ work on the imagination. In the third chapter the thesis explores the Eucharist as a nucleus of creative tension and confessional conflict. A discussion of the writings of William Tyndale and Thomas Cranmer extends into a study of Calvin’s eucharistic thought. This is followed by a contextualization of the critical discourse of theatre and the Mass in Protestant polemics, and the chapter ends with an approach to Richard Hooker, placing his sacramental writing in an aesthetic reformist debate. The fourth and final chapter engages with iconoclasm as part of a Protestant aesthetic – a complex and paradoxical phenomenon blending breaking and making. Here, I will attempt to unpack some of the creative implications inherent in the destruction of art. Namely, that the act of tearing things down somehow makes them new again; from the fires of demolition another form of object is forged, another kind of aesthetic. This negativity, this re-forming of the sign, of making, produces an “absent” art of its own. This thesis interrogates these intellectual inflections of making in post-Reformation England. Through close reading of theological texts as well as use of visual material, the thesis highlights and asserts how several of the contested themes and conflicts of reform are crystallised in the imagery of making. By reasserting the critical role of “making” as constitutive to the image-question, as well as a precondition for the hostile narratives of iconoclasm and idolatry, the thesis provides additional understanding of the way making concentrated and drove key concerns of visual politics in the Reformation. In addition, it further illuminates how the history of the later sixteenth century represents a charged landscape of cultural cohesion – a landscape in which art, theology, and aesthetics come to define each other mutually. Such reciprocal dynamics demonstrate not just that the frameworks of art and intellectual history are useful as part of a shared structure for exploring making, but also why making deserves attention as a topic of far-reaching historical relevance.
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    Political Communication Practices of the Transylvanian Saxon Towns, c. 1467–1526
    Coulter, Matthew; Coulter, Matthew [0000-0003-0764-8267]
    This thesis focuses on the diplomatic strategies employed by the three main Transylvanian Saxon towns of Sibiu, Brașov, and Bistrița during the second half of the reign of King Matthias Corvinus of Hungary (r. 1458–90) and the era of the Jagiellonian kings Vladislaus II (r. 1490–1516) and Louis II (r. 1516–26). Over this period these German-speaking towns, located on the eastern frontier of the Kingdom of Hungary, consolidated their control over their respective territorial hinterlands and – primarily under the leadership of Sibiu – coalesced into the *Universitas Saxonum*, a single estate enjoying the same privileges and subject directly to the king. While incorporating the considerable body of historiography focusing on the Saxons’ legal and socio-economic development in this era, this thesis seeks to demonstrate the significant everyday effort which the Saxon leading strata devoted to pursuing their political objectives and entrenching their privileged legal status. It presents Saxon diplomacy as a balancing act spread across three distinct but interconnected theatres, and intends to show how the seemingly distinct elements of this amounted to a cohesive programme of political representation characterized by conscious calculation and the need to remain responsive to new developments. The thesis is split into three sections of two chapters each. Section I provides a comprehensive overview of the main themes and trends which characterized the Saxon councils’ communicative activity in three primary theatres: the Hungarian royal court and Voivodate of Transylvania (chapter 1) and the transcarpathian principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia (chapter 2). Section II discusses the personnel through which the Saxons’ political programmes were articulated, beginning with the members of the civic elites in each town who undertook their most important missions to the Hungarian royal court (chapter 3), before turning to the non-elite personnel whom the councils hired as messengers and legal representatives (chapter 4). Section III then looks at the multifaceted use in Saxon diplomacy of petitions and other written documents (chapter 5) and of gifts (chapter 6).